Already, the right wing
morons are leaping out of the woodwork to demand that the Republican Party get
even worse. I started writing a post about
what really happened in this election when I found the following from George
Will - who can say anything better?
Thursday,
Nov. 08, 2012
Status
Quo Preserved
By
George F. Will - Washington Post
I hope sensible people
everywhere will simply stop listening to the awful Rush Limbaugh and his
opportunist ilk.
If we believe in this country
and its people then we have to understand that the loyal opposition to
progressives are as much as half wrong.
[Some folks have trouble
following links, so I’ve pasted the column below.]
By George F. Will - Washington Post
Thursday, Nov. 08, 2012
America’s 57th presidential
election revealed that a second important national institution is on an
unsustainable trajectory. The first, the entitlement state, is endangered by
improvident promises to an aging population. It is now joined by the political
party whose crucial current function is to stress the need to reform this
state. And now the Republican Party, like today’s transfer-payment state, is
endangered by tardiness in recognizing that demography is destiny.
Perhaps Mitt Romney lost the
2012 election on Sept. 22, 2011, when, alarmed by Texas Gov. Rick Perry’s entry
into the Republican nomination race, he rushed to Perry’s right regarding
immigration, attacking the DREAM Act. He would go on to talk about forcing
illegal immigrants into “self-deportation.” It is surprising that only about 70
percent of Hispanics opposed Romney.
As it has every four years
since 1992, the white portion of the turnout declined in 2012. In 2008, Barack
Obama became the first person elected president while losing the white vote by
double digits. In 2012 — the year after the first year in which a majority of
babies born in America were minorities — Hispanics were for the first time a
double-digit (10 percent) portion of the turnout. Republicans have four years
to figure out how to leaven their contracting base with millions more members
of America’s largest and fastest-growing minority.
Romney’s melancholy but
useful role has been to refute those determinists who insist that economic
conditions are almost always decisive. Americans are earning less and worth
less than they were four years ago; average household income is down $3,800;
unemployment was 8 percent or more for a total of 39 months under the 11
presidents from Harry Truman through George W. Bush, but it was over that for
43 Obama months. Yet voters preferred the president who presided over this to a
Republican who, more than any candidate since the Great Depression, made his
economic expertise his presidential credential.
Voters littered the political
landscape with contradictions between their loudly articulated discontents and
their observable behavior. Self-identified conservatives outnumber
self-identified liberals 2-1 in a nation that has re-elected the most liberal
president since Lyndon Johnson and his mentor Franklin Roosevelt. A nation said
to be picnicking on the slope of a volcano, with molten anger bubbling just
below its thin and brittle crust, has matched a rare record of stability in its
central political office: For only the second time — the first was the Virginia
dynasty of the third, fourth and fifth presidents, Thomas Jefferson, James
Madison and James Monroe — there will be three consecutive two-term presidents.
A nation vocally disgusted
with the status quo has reinforced it by ratifying existing control of the
executive branch and both halves of the legislative branch. After three consecutive
“wave” elections in which a party gained at least 20 House seats, and at a
moment when approval of Congress has risen — yes, risen — to 21 percent, voters
ratified Republican control of the House, keeping in place those excoriated as
obstructionists by the president the voters retained. Come January, Washington
will be much as it has been, only more so.
Obama is only the second
president (Andrew Jackson was the first) to win a second term with a reduced
percentage of the popular vote, and the third (after James Madison and Woodrow
Wilson) to win a second term with a smaller percentage of the electoral vote. A
diminished figure after conducting the most relentlessly negative campaign ever
run by an incumbent, his meager mandate is to not be Bain Capital.
Foreshadowing continuing institutional conflict, which the constitutional
system not only anticipates but encourages, Speaker John Boehner says of the
House Republican caucus: “We’ll have as much of a mandate as he will.”
The electoral vote system, so
incessantly and simple-mindedly criticized, has again performed the invaluable
service of enabling federalism — presidents elected by the decisions of the
states’ electorates — to deliver a constitutional decisiveness that the popular
vote often disguises.
Republicans can take some
solace from the popular vote. But unless they respond to accelerating
demographic changes — and Obama, by pressing immigration reform, can give
Republicans a reef on which they can wreck themselves — the 58th presidential
election may be like the 57th, only more so.
This election was fought over
two issues as old as the Republic, the proper scope and actual competence of
government. The president persuaded — here the popular vote is the decisive
datum — almost exactly half the voters. The argument continues. As Benjamin
Disraeli said, “Finality is not the language of politics.”